中文譯文基於1996年中國文史出版社《轟炸文明——發往人類未來的死亡通知單》，原譯者王小東

INTRODUCTION

介紹

1. The Industrial Revolution and itsconsequences have been a disaster for the human race. They have greatlyincreased the life-expectancy of those of us who live in "advanced"countries, but they have destabilized society, have made life unfulfilling,have subjected human beings to indignities, have led to widespreadpsychological suffering (in the Third World to physical suffering as well) andhave inflicted severe damage on the natural world. The continued development oftechnology will worsen the situation. It will certainly subject human beings togreater indignities and inflict greater damage on the natural world, it willprobably lead to greater social disruption and psychological suffering, and itmay lead to increased physical suffering even in "advanced"countries.

1，工業革命及其後果為人類帶來了極大的災難。這兩者極大地增加了我們這些生活在“發達”國家的人口的預期壽命，但也破壞了社會的穩定性，令生活空虛無謂，剝奪了人類的尊嚴，導致了心理疾病的擴散（以及第三世界裡的生理疾病擴散），還嚴重地破壞了自然界。技術的繼續發展將令上述情況進一步惡化。人類尊嚴必將遭到進一步剝奪，自然界也必將遭到進一步破壞。社會也很可能遭到進一步擾亂，心理困擾將會加劇，而生理疾病甚至將會在“發達”國家蔓延開來。

2. The industrial-technological system maysurvive or it may break down. If it survives, it MAY eventually achieve a lowlevel of physical and psychological suffering, but only after passing through along and very painful period of adjustment and only at the cost of permanentlyreducing human beings and many other living organisms to engineered productsand mere cogs in the social machine. Furthermore, if the system survives, theconsequences will be inevitable: There is no way of reforming or modifying thesystem so as to prevent it from depriving people of dignity and autonomy.

2，工業-技術體系可能倖存也可能崩潰。假如該體系倖存下來，可能最終將會降低生理與心理的痛苦水平，但在此之前必須經歷一段漫長而痛苦的調整期，而且人類與眾多其他生命體也將付出慘重代價，永遠淪為社會機器上的齒輪。更有甚者，假如這個體系倖存下來，將會導致不可避免的後果：沒有任何方法能夠改革或改進這一體系，使之不至於剝奪人的尊嚴與自主。

3. If the system breaks down theconsequences will still be very painful. But the bigger the system grows themore disastrous the results of its breakdown will be, so if it is to break downit had best break down sooner rather than later.

3，假如這一體系崩潰，結果依舊會十分痛苦。但是體系規模越大，崩潰造成的結果就越可怕。因此假如真要崩潰的話最好趕早不趕遲。

4. We therefore advocate a revolutionagainst the industrial system. This revolution may or may not make use ofviolence: it may be sudden or it may be a relatively gradual process spanning afew decades. We can't predict any of that. But we do outline in a very generalway the measures that those who hate the industrial system should take in orderto prepare the way for a revolution against that form of society. This is notto be a POLITICAL revolution. Its object will be to overthrow not governmentsbut the economic and technological basis of the present society.,

4，所以我們主張發動針對工業體系的革命。這場革命可能使用或不使用暴力，可能突然完成也可能在幾十年時間裡相對循序漸進地進行。我們無法預測這一點。但是我們的確為那些憎恨工業體系的人們勾勒了一套十分寬泛的方法，從而為反對這一特定社會形式的革命鋪平道路。這不是一場政治革命。革命目標並非推翻政府，而是顛覆現存社會的經濟與技術基礎。

5. In this article we give attention toonly some of the negative developments that have grown out of theindustrial-technological system. Other such developments we mention onlybriefly or ignore altogether. This does not mean that we regard these otherdevelopments as unimportant. For practical reasons we have to confine our discussionto areas that have received insufficient public attention or in which we havesomething new to say. For example, since there are well-developed environmentaland wilderness movements, we have written very little about environmentaldegradation or the destruction of wild nature, even though we consider these tobe highly important.

5，本文中我們僅僅關注了工業-技術體系所產生的所有負面發展中的一部分。其他此類發展我們則僅僅稍微提了一提或者乾脆完全忽略了。這並不意味著我們認為此類負面發展不重要。出於實際考量我們必須將討論範圍侷限於未曾獲得足夠公眾注意或者我們有話要說的領域。例如，鑑於目前已經有了進展得力的環保與自然運動，我們對於環境惡化或自然破壞的話題並未多費筆墨，儘管我們認為這些問題極為重要。

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF MODERN LEFTISM

現代左派主義的心理

6. Almost everyone will agree that we livein a deeply troubled society. One of the most widespread manifestations of thecraziness of our world is leftism, so a discussion of the psychology of leftismcan serve as an introduction to the discussion of the problems of modernsociety in general.

6，幾乎所有人都會同意我們生活在一個深度動盪的社會。我們這個社會的瘋狂有許多廣為傳播的表現，左派主義就是其中之一。因此討論左派主義心理有助於進一步開展針對現代社會一般性問題的討論。

7. But what is leftism? During the firsthalf of the 20th century leftism could have been practically identified withsocialism. Today the movement is fragmented and it is not clear who canproperly be called a leftist. When we speak of leftists in this article we havein mind mainly socialists, collectivists, "politically correct"types, feminists, gay and disability activists, animal rights activists and thelike. But not everyone who is associated with one of these movements is aleftist. What we are trying to get at in discussing leftism is not so much amovement or an ideology as a psychological type, or rather a collection ofrelated types. Thus, what we mean by "leftism" will emerge moreclearly in the course of our discussion of leftist psychology (Also, seeparagraphs 227-230.)

7，但是左派主義是什麼呢？在二十世紀前半段左派主義就等同於社會主義。今天這一運動已經分崩離析了，也很難說怎樣的人才算是左派主義者。本文中所謂的左派主義者包括社會主義者、集體主義者、“政治正確”人士、女權主義者、同性戀與殘疾人活動者，動物權益保護者以及其他類似群體。但並非所有與此類活動有所牽扯的人都一定是左派主義者。我們這裡打算討論的並非左派主義運動或者意識形態，而是左派運動的心理型別或者相關心理型別的集合。我們筆下“左派主義”的含義將會隨著我們對於左派主義心理的討論而越發清晰。（見227-230段）

8. Even so, our conception of leftism willremain a good deal less clear than we would wish, but there doesn't seem to beany remedy for this. All we are trying to do is indicate in a rough andapproximate way the two psychological tendencies that we believe are the maindriving force of modern leftism. We by no means claim to be telling the WHOLEtruth about leftist psychology. Also, our discussion is meant to apply tomodern leftism only. We leave open the question of the extent to which ourdiscussion could be applied to the leftists of the 19th and early 20th century.

8, 儘管如此，我們對於左派主義的概念依然趕不上我們的希望那樣清晰，但是看來在這方面完全無計可施。我們在這裡只想以粗略的方式指出我們眼中驅動現代左派主義的兩大心理趨勢。我們不敢聲稱已經窮盡了左派心理的所有事實。我們的討論也僅侷限於現代左派主義。至於我們的討論究竟在多大程度上可以應用於十九世紀以及二十世紀初期的左派主義者，在此姑且存而不論。

9. The two psychological tendencies thatunderlie modern leftism we call "feelings of inferiority" and"oversocialization." Feelings of inferiority are characteristic ofmodern leftism as a whole, while oversocialization is characteristic only of acertain segment of modern leftism; but this segment is highly influential.

9,  我們將奠定現代左派主義基礎的兩股心理趨勢稱為“自卑感”與“過度社會化。自卑感是現代左派主義的整體特徵，而過度社會化則僅僅是現代左派主義某些派別的特徵，但是這一派別極有影響力。

FEELINGS OF INFERIORITY

自卑感

10. By "feelings of inferiority" we mean not only inferiority feelings in the strictest sense but a whole spectrum of related traits: low self-esteem, feelings of powerlessness, depressive tendencies, defeatism, guilt, self-hatred, etc. We argue that modern leftists tend to have such feelings (possibly more or less repressed) and that these feelings are decisive in determining the direction of modern leftism.

10，我們口中的“自卑感”不僅意味著最嚴格意義上的自卑感，還包括一系列十分廣泛的相關特徵：自尊低下、無力感、抑鬱、失敗主義、負罪感以及自我憎恨等等。我們認為現代左派主義者傾向於有上述感受（可能受到了一定程度的壓抑），這些感受對於決定現代左派主義的方向起著決定性的作用。

11. When someone interprets as derogatory almost anything that is said about him (or about groups with whom he identifies) we conclude that he has inferiority feelings or low self-esteem. This tendency is pronounced among minority rights advocates, whether or not they belong to the minority groups whose rights they defend. They are hypersensitive about the words used to designate minorities. The terms "negro," "oriental," "handicapped" or "chick" for an African, an Asian, a disabled person or a woman originally had no derogatory connotation. "Broad" and "chick" were merely the feminine equivalents of "guy," "dude" or "fellow." The negative connotations have been attached to these terms by the activists themselves. Some animal rights advocates have gone so far as to reject the word "pet" and insist on its replacement by "animal companion." Leftist anthropologists go to great lengths to avoid saying anything about primitive peoples that could conceivably be interpreted as negative. They want to replace the word "primitive" by "nonliterate." They seem almost paranoid about anything that might suggest that any primitive culture is inferior to our own. (We do not mean to imply that primitive cultures ARE inferior to ours. We merely point out the hypersensitivity of leftish anthropologists.)

11，當某人將幾乎一切針對他（或者他所認同的群體）所說的話均理解為貶損時，我們就認為此人有自卑感或低自尊。少數群體權益擁護者就體現了這一趨向，無論他們自身是否從屬於該群體。他們對於指代少數群體的名詞極為敏感。指代黑人、亞洲人、殘疾人與女性的“黑鬼（negro）”、“東方人（oriental）”、“殘廢（handicapped）”與“妞（chick）”就原意來說並不包含貶低意味。“娘們（broad）”與“妞”只是“爺們（guy）”“哥們（dude，fellow）”的女性對應稱謂。正是活動家們自己為這些名詞附加了負面含義。有些動物權益活動家們甚至拒絕使用“寵物”一詞，而以“動物伴侶”取而代之。左派人類學家們十分費力地避免使用任何可能被理解為負面含義的言辭來形容原始民族，他們還想把“原始（primitive）”替換成“不文（nonliterate）”任何可能暗示原始文化比他們的文化更為低劣的言辭都令他們幾乎要疑神疑鬼。（我們在此不打算暗示原始文化比我們的文化更為低劣。我們僅僅想要指出左派人類學家極為敏感的表現。）

12. Those who are most sensitive about "politically incorrect" terminology are not the average black ghetto-dweller, Asian immigrant, abused woman or disabled person, but a minority of activists, many of whom do not even belong to any "oppressed" group but come from privileged strata of society. Political correctness has its stronghold among university professors, who have secure employment with comfortable salaries, and the majority of whom are heterosexual, white males from middle-class families.

12，對於“政治正確”術語最為敏感的人並非一般的貧民區黑人居民、亞洲移民，遭受虐待的女性或者殘疾人，而是一小部分活動家，他們當中有許多人甚至都不屬於任何“受壓迫”群體，而是出身於地位更高的社會階層。政治正確的據點是大學教授，他們有穩定的工作與豐厚的薪金，以中產階級出身異性戀白人男性為主。

13. Many leftists have an intense identification with the problems of groups that have an image of being weak (women), defeated (American Indians), repellent (homosexuals), or otherwise inferior. The leftists themselves feel that these groups are inferior. They would never admit it to themselves that they have such feelings, but it is precisely because they do see these groups as inferior that they identify with their problems. (We do not suggest that women, Indians, etc., ARE inferior; we are only making a point about leftist psychology).

13，許多左派主義者對於那些在形象上軟弱（女性）、失敗（印第安原住民）、令人反感（同性戀）等等的群體所遭遇的問題有著十分強烈的認同感。他們絕不會自認擁有此類感情，但正是因為他們認為這些群體低人一等才會認同他們遭遇的問題。（我們並未暗示女性與印第安人等群體低人一等，我們僅僅在解釋左派主義者的心理。）

14. Feminists are desperately anxious to prove that women are as strong as capable as men. Clearly they are nagged by a fear that women may NOT be as strong and as capable as men.

14，女權主義者極為急切地想要證明女性與男性一樣強壯有力。很明顯女性可能不像男性一樣強壯有力的恐懼令她們十分不安。

15. Leftists tend to hate anything that has an image of being strong, good and successful. They hate America, they hate Western civilization, they hate white males, they hate rationality. The reasons that leftists give for hating the West, etc. clearly do not correspond with their real motives. They SAY they hate the West because it is warlike, imperialistic, sexist, ethnocentric and so forth, but where these same faults appear in socialist countries or in primitive cultures, the leftist finds excuses for them, or at best he GRUDGINGLY admits that they exist; whereas he ENTHUSIASTICALLY points out (and often greatly exaggerates) these faults where they appear in Western civilization. Thus it is clear that these faults are not the leftist's real motive for hating America and the West. He hates America and the West because they are strong and successful.

15，左派主義者傾向於憎恨一切給人留下強大、優秀與成功印象的事物。他們憎恨美國，他們憎恨西方文明，他們憎恨白人男性，他們憎恨理性。左派主義者們之所以憎恨西方等事物的原因顯然與他們的真正動機不符。他們說他們之所以憎恨西方是因為西方喜好戰爭、推行帝國主義、性別歧視以及種族中心論等等，但當這些問題出現在社會主義國家或者原始文化當中時，左派主義者們總會為其尋找藉口，至多也僅僅是勉強承認其存在，同時則十分積極地（並經常誇大其詞地）指出西方文明中出現的同樣問題。因此很顯然這些問題並非左派主義者憎恨美國與西方的真正原因。他們憎恨美國與西方是因為它們強大而成功。

16. Words like "self-confidence," "self-reliance," "initiative", "enterprise," "optimism," etc. play little role in the liberal and leftist vocabulary. The leftist is anti-individualistic, pro-collectivist. He wants society to solve everyone's needs for them, take care of them. He is not the sort of person who has an inner sense of confidence in his own ability to solve his own problems and satisfy his own needs. The leftist is antagonistic to the concept of competition because, deep inside, he feels like a loser.

16，“自信”、“自立”、“自主”、“進取”以及“樂觀”之類的詞彙在自由派與左派主義者的用語當中起不到多少作用。左派主義者反對個人主義，支援集體主義。他們希望社會解決每個人的需求並照料他們。他內心深處對於依靠自己的能力解決自己的問題並滿足自己的需求毫無信心。左派主義者是競爭這一概念的天敵，因為他在內心深處感覺像是個失敗者。

17. Art forms that appeal to modern leftist intellectuals tend to focus on sordidness, defeat and despair, or else they take an orgiastic tone, throwing off rational control as if there were no hope of accomplishing anything through rational calculation and all that was left was to immerse oneself in the sensations of the moment.

17，吸引現代左派主義知識分子的藝術形式傾向於關注汙穢、失敗與絕望，或者採取狂歡基調，放棄理性控制，似乎已經無望通過理性計算實現任何目的，只得將自己徹底沉浸於當下的感官刺激當中。

18. Modern leftist philosophers tend to dismiss reason, science, objective reality and to insist that everything is culturally relative. It is true that one can ask serious questions about the foundations of scientific knowledge and about how, if at all, the concept of objective reality can be defined. But it is obvious that modern leftist philosophers are not simply cool-headed logicians systematically analyzing the foundations of knowledge. They are deeply involved emotionally in their attack on truth and reality. They attack these concepts because of their own psychological needs. For one thing, their attack is an outlet for hostility, and, to the extent that it is successful, it satisfies the drive for power. More importantly, the leftist hates science and rationality because they classify certain beliefs as true (i.e., successful, superior) and other beliefs as false (i.e. failed, inferior). The leftist's feelings of inferiority run so deep that he cannot tolerate any classification of some things as successful or superior and other things as failed or inferior. This also underlies the rejection by many leftists of the concept of mental illness and of the utility of IQ tests. Leftists are antagonistic to genetic explanations of human abilities or behavior because such explanations tend to make some persons appear superior or inferior to others. Leftists prefer to give society the credit or blame for an individual's ability or lack of it. Thus if a person is "inferior" it is not his fault, but society's, because he has not been brought up properly.

18，現代左派主義哲學家傾向於蔑視理性、科學與客觀現實，並堅持一切都在文化上都是相對的。誠然，人們可以就科學知識的基礎以及如何（假如可以的話）在概念上定義客觀事實提出嚴肅的問題。但是顯然現代左派主義哲學家們並不僅僅是頭腦冷靜的邏輯學家，他們的所作所為也不是對於知識基礎進行系統性分析。他們在攻擊真理與事實時投入了大量的感情。他們攻擊這些概念是因為自己的心理需求。他們的攻擊行為是對自身敵意的發洩，假如這種攻擊取得成功，還能滿足他們的權欲。更重要的是，左派主義者們憎恨科學與理性是因為它們將特定信仰歸類為真（成功、高等）而將其他信仰歸類為假（失敗、低等）。左派主義者的自卑感如此深厚以至於他無法容忍對於事物進行任何成功/高等與失敗/低等的分類。還有許多左派主義者以此為基礎反對精神疾病的概念與智商測試的實用性。左派主義者尤為反對從基因角度解釋人類能力或表現，因為此類解釋會使一部分人顯得比另一部分人更為高等或低等。左派主義者更喜歡將個人能力或能力缺乏歸功或歸罪於社會。因此假如某人較為“低等”，這並非本人的錯誤，而是社會的錯誤，因為他沒有得到適當的培養。

19. The leftist is not typically the kind of person whose feelings of inferiority make him a braggart, an egotist, a bully, a self-promoter, a ruthless competitor. This kind of person has not wholly lost faith in himself. He has a deficit in his sense of power and self-worth, but he can still conceive of himself as having the capacity to be strong, and his efforts to make himself strong produce his unpleasant behavior. [1] But the leftist is too far gone for that. His feelings of inferiority are so ingrained that he cannot conceive of himself as individually strong and valuable. Hence the collectivism of the leftist. He can feel strong only as a member of a large organization or a mass movement with which he identifies himself.

19，左派主義者並非那種會因為自卑感而誇誇其談、自高自大、欺凌他人、自我吹捧以致無情競爭的典型人物。此類人物並未完全喪失對自己的信心。他在權力與自我價值的認知方面有缺陷，他他依然可以想象自己強大有力的樣子，正是他令自己強大的努力才導致了這種種令人不快的行為。【1】然而左派主義者已經遠遠超過了這一階段。他的自卑感如此根深蒂固，以至於她無法想象自己可以成為一名強大且有價值的個人。因此左派主義者信奉集體主義。他僅僅在身為大型組織或大規模運動的一員時才能感到強大。

[1]. (Paragraph 19) We are asserting that ALL, or even most, bullies and ruthless competitors suffer from feelings of inferiority.

【1】（第19段）我們斷言，所有或者至少大多數欺辱他人或者無情競爭的人都有自卑感。

20. Notice the masochistic tendency of leftist tactics. Leftists protest by lying down in front of vehicles, they intentionally provoke police or racists to abuse them, etc. These tactics may often be effective, but many leftists use them not as a means to an end but because they PREFER masochistic tactics. Self-hatred is a leftist trait.

20，注意左派主義者們行動策略中的自虐傾向。左派主義者經常躺在車輪前進行抗議，有意識挑逗警察或種族主義者對自身施暴。這些策略往往有效。但是許多左派主義者使用此類策略並非單純當做手段，而是因為他們更偏好自虐性的策略。自我憎恨是左派主義者的特徵。

21. Leftists may claim that their activism is motivated by compassion or by moral principle, and moral principle does play a role for the leftist of the oversocialized type. But compassion and moral principle cannot be the main motives for leftist activism. Hostility is too prominent a component of leftist behavior; so is the drive for power. Moreover, much leftist behavior is not rationally calculated to be of benefit to the people whom the leftists claim to be trying to help. For example, if one believes that affirmative action is good for black people, does it make sense to demand affirmative action in hostile or dogmatic terms? Obviously it would be more productive to take a diplomatic and conciliatory approach that would make at least verbal and symbolic concessions to white people who think that affirmative action discriminates against them. But leftist activists do not take such an approach because it would not satisfy their emotional needs. Helping black people is not their real goal. Instead, race problems serve as an excuse for them to express their own hostility and frustrated need for power. In doing so they actually harm black people, because the activists' hostile attitude toward the white majority tends to intensify race hatred.

21，左派主義者可能聲稱他們的活動動機是同情或者道德原則，道德原則對於過度社會化的左派主義者也的確有作用。但是同情或者道德原則不會是左派主義活動的主要動機。左派主義者的活動當中有著太過突出的敵意，因此其最要動機是權欲。更有甚者，許多左派主義者在進行活動時並沒有為了維護他們聲稱想要幫助的群體的權益而進行理性計算。例如，如果一個人認為黑人平權行動對黑人有益，那麼採取敵對化或教條化的平權行動有意義嗎？很明顯，與那些認為平權行動對他們造成歧視的白人們打交道時，採取靈活懷柔的手段並至少作出一些口頭和象徵性的讓步將更富有成效。但左派主義活動家們不採取這種做法，因為它無法滿足他們的情感需要。幫助黑人不是他們真正的目標。相反，他們將種族問題作為藉口藉以表達自己的敵意與追求權力而不可得的沮喪。他們的作法實際上傷害了黑人，因為這些活動家對待白人多數的敵對態度傾向於加強種族仇恨。

22. If our society had no social problems at all, the leftists would have to INVENT problems in order to provide themselves with an excuse for making a fuss.

22，如果我們的社會並沒有上述所有的問題，左派將不得不發明新的問題，從而為自己提供無病呻吟的藉口。

23. We emphasize that the foregoing does not pretend to be an accurate description of everyone who might be considered a leftist. It is only a rough indication of a general tendency of leftism.

23，我們強調，上述論述未必對於每一個可能被視為左派主義者的人都十分準確，這只是對於左派主義總趨勢的粗略概括。

OVERSOCIALIZATION

過度社會化

24. Psychologists use the term "socialization" to designate the process by which children are trained to think and act as society demands. A person is said to be well socialized if he believes in and obeys the moral code of his society and fits in well as a functioning part of that society. It may seem senseless to say that many leftists are over-socialized, since the leftist is perceived as a rebel. Nevertheless, the position can be defended. Many leftists are not such rebels as they seem.

24，心理學家使用“社會化”這個術語表示訓練兒童使之按照社會的要求去思考和行動的過程。一個得到良好社會化的人相信並服從他所屬社會的道德準則，並且很適應作為社會正常運作一部分的身份。說許多左派主義者過度社會化可能看起來毫無意義，因為左派主義者一般被視為反叛者。然而這一主張可以得到辯護。許多左派都不像看上去那樣反叛。

25. The moral code of our society is so demanding that no one can think, feel and act in a completely moral way. For example, we are not supposed to hate anyone, yet almost everyone hates somebody at some time or other, whether he admits it to himself or not. Some people are so highly socialized that the attempt to think, feel and act morally imposes a severe burden on them. In order to avoid feelings of guilt, they continually have to deceive themselves about their own motives and find moral explanations for feelings and actions that in reality have a non-moral origin. We use the term "oversocialized" to describe such people. [2]

25，我們社會的道德準則如此嚴苛，以至於沒有人能以完全道德的方式進行思考、感受與行動。例如，我們不應該去恨任何人，但幾乎每個人都曾經一度痛恨過其他什麼人，不論他是否向自己承認。有些人的社會化程度如此之高，以至於完全道德地思考、感受與行動的企圖為他們帶來了嚴重的負擔。為了避免罪惡感，他們不斷地就自己的動機欺騙自己，為那些在現實當中有著非道德起源的感受和行動尋找道德解釋。我們使用“過度社會化”這一術語來形容這樣的人。 【2】

[2]. (Paragraph 25) During the Victorian period many oversocialized people suffered from serious psychological problems as a result of repressing or trying to repress their sexual feelings. Freud apparently based his theories on people of this type. Today the focus of socialization has shifted from sex to aggression.

【2】（第25段）在維多利亞時期許多過度社會化的人們都因為試圖壓抑性慾而遭受了嚴重的心理問題。顯然弗洛伊德以這些人為基礎構建了自己的理論。今天社會化的重點已經從性慾轉向了攻擊性。

26. Oversocialization can lead to low self-esteem, a sense of powerlessness, defeatism, guilt, etc. One of the most important means by which our society socializes children is by making them feel ashamed of behavior or speech that is contrary to society's expectations. If this is overdone, or if a particular child is especially susceptible to such feelings, he ends by feeling ashamed of HIMSELF. Moreover the thought and the behavior of the oversocialized person are more restricted by society's expectations than are those of the lightly socialized person. The majority of people engage in a significant amount of naughty behavior. They lie, they commit petty thefts, they break traffic laws, they goof off at work, they hate someone, they say spiteful things or they use some underhanded trick to get ahead of the other guy. The oversocialized person cannot do these things, or if he does do them he generates in himself a sense of shame and self-hatred. The oversocialized person cannot even experience, without guilt, thoughts or feelings that are contrary to the accepted morality; he cannot think "unclean" thoughts. And socialization is not just a matter of morality; we are socialized to confirm to many norms of behavior that do not fall under the heading of morality. Thus the oversocialized person is kept on a psychological leash and spends his life running on rails that society has laid down for him. In many oversocialized people this results in a sense of constraint and powerlessness that can be a severe hardship. We suggest that oversocialization is among the more serious cruelties that human beings inflict on one another.

26，過度社會化可導致低自尊、無力感、失敗主義以及內疚等，我們對兒童進行社會化的最重要手段之一是使他們對於與社會期望相反行為或言語感到羞愧。如果做過了頭，或者如果某個孩子特別容易受到這種感情的影響，他就會為自己感到羞愧。此外過度社會化的人與輕度社會化的人相比更容易在思想與行為上受到社會期待的限制。大多數人都會做出不道德的行為。他們撒謊，他們小偷小摸，他們違反交通法規，他們在工作中偷懶，他們討厭別人，他們說別人的壞話或者使用卑劣的花招來出人頭地。過度社會化的人不能做這些事情，如果他做了就會為自己感到羞恥，還會自我仇恨。他不能想“不乾淨”的念頭。而且社會化不只是一個道德問題，我們遭到社會化之後遵守的許多規範或表現都不屬於道德的認定範圍。因此，過度社會化的人在心理上被狗鏈拴著，一輩子都在社會鋪設的軌道上執行。對於許多過度社會化的人來說這都會導致約束感和無力感，令其十分難熬。我們認為過度社會化是人類對彼此造成最嚴重的暴行。

27. We argue that a very important and influential segment of the modern left is oversocialized and that their oversocialization is of great importance in determining the direction of modern leftism. Leftists of the oversocialized type tend to be intellectuals or members of the upper-middle class. Notice that university intellectuals [3] constitute the most highly socialized segment of our society and also the most left-wing segment.

27，我們認為，當代左派當中一個非常重要且有影響力的派系就是過度社會化份子，他們的過度社會化對於確定現代左派主義的前進方向十分重要。過度社會化型別的左派主義者往往是知識分子和上層中產階層的成員。請注意，大學知識分子【3】構成了我們的社會中社會化程度最高的部分，也是最左派的部分。

[3]. (Paragraph 27) Not necessarily including specialists in engineering "hard" sciences.

【3】（第27段）未必一定包括研究“硬”科學的專家。

28. The leftist of the oversocialized type tries to get off his psychological leash and assert his autonomy by rebelling. But usually he is not strong enough to rebel against the most basic values of society. Generally speaking, the goals of today's leftists are NOT in conflict with the accepted morality. On the contrary, the left takes an accepted moral principle, adopts it as its own, and then accuses mainstream society of violating that principle. Examples: racial equality, equality of the sexes, helping poor people, peace as opposed to war, nonviolence generally, freedom of expression, kindness to animals. More fundamentally, the duty of the individual to serve society and the duty of society to take care of the individual. All these have been deeply rooted values of our society (or at least of its middle and upper classes (4) for a long time. These values are explicitly or implicitly expressed or presupposed in most of the material presented to us by the mainstream communications media and the educational system. Leftists, especially those of the oversocialized type, usually do not rebel against these principles but justify their hostility to society by claiming (with some degree of truth) that society is not living up to these principles.

28, 過度社會化型別的左派主義者試圖掙脫自己的心理狗鏈，通過反叛來維護他的自主權。但通常他不夠強大，無法反抗社會最基本的價值。一般而言，今天的左派主義者的目標與公認的道德並不衝突。恰恰相反，左派主義者接受公認的道德原則，當做自己的原則，然後指責主流社會違反該原則。例如：種族平等，男女平等，幫助窮人，和平或反戰，一般的非暴力行為，言論自由，善待動物，等等。從根本上說就是個人服務社會的責任與社會照顧個人的責任。所有這些很長一段時間以來都已經深深植根於我們的社會價值當中，或至少是社會的中產階級和上層階級【4】主流傳播媒體與教育體系呈現給我們的大多數都材料或明或暗地明示或暗示了這些價值。左派主義者，尤其是那些過度社會化型別的左派主義者，通常不會反叛這些原則，而是通過聲稱社會辜負了這些原則（在一定程度上的確如此）來為自己對社會的敵意進行辯護。

[4]. (Paragraph 28) There are many individuals of the middle and upper classes who resist some of these values, but usually their resistance is more or less covert. Such resistance appears in the mass media only to a very limited extent. The main thrust of propaganda in our society is in favor of the stated values.

【4】（第28段）很多中產階級和上層階級個人反對這些價值當中的一部分，但通常他們的反對或多或少都是隱蔽的。這種反對僅僅在出現在大眾媒體當中一個非常有限的範圍內。我們社會的宣傳主旨是支援上述指明的價值。

The main reasons why these values have become, so to speak, the official values of our society is that they are useful to the industrial system. Violence is discouraged because it disrupts the functioning of the system. Racism is discouraged because ethnic conflicts also disrupt the system, and discrimination wastes the talent of minority-group members who could be useful to the system. Poverty must be "cured" because the underclass causes problems for the system and contact with the underclass lowers the moral of the other classes. Women are encouraged to have careers because their talents are useful to the system and, more importantly because by having regular jobs women become better integrated into the system and tied directly to it rather than to their families. This helps to weaken family solidarity. (The leaders of the system say they want to strengthen the family, but they really mean is that they want the family to serve as an effective tool for socializing children in accord with the needs of the system. We argue in paragraphs 51,52 that the system cannot afford to let the family or other small-scale social groups be strong or autonomous.)

可以這麼說，這些價值觀成為官方價值觀的原因是因為它們對於工業體系有用。暴力遭到阻礙，因為它會破壞體系的功能。種族主義遭到阻礙，因為種族衝突會擾亂體系執行，歧視可能對體系有用的少數群體成員則會造成人才浪費。貧困必須被“治癒”，因為下層階級會給體系造成問題，其他階級在接觸下層階級時士氣也會下降。鼓勵婦女創立自己的事業是因為她們的才能對體系有利，更重要的是因為經常性工作的女性更容易整合到體系當中，並直接與體系而不是家庭相聯絡，這有助於削弱家庭凝聚力。 （體系的領導人說，他們希望加強家庭，但他們真正的意思是他們希望家庭根據體系的需求成為兒童社會化的有效工具。我們在第51、52段認為體系不敢讓家庭或其他小規模社會群體真正強大自主起來）。

29. Here is an illustration of the way in which the oversocialized leftist shows his real attachment to the conventional attitudes of our society while pretending to be in rebellion against it. Many leftists push for affirmative action, for moving black people into high-prestige jobs, for improved education in black schools and more money for such schools; the way of life of the black "underclass" they regard as a social disgrace. They want to integrate the black man into the system, make him a business executive, a lawyer, a scientist just like upper-middle-class white people. The leftists will reply that the last thing they want is to make the black man into a copy of the white man; instead, they want to preserve African American culture. But in what does this preservation of African American culture consist? It can hardly consist in anything more than eating black-style food, listening to black-style music, wearing black-style clothing and going to a black-style church or mosque. In other words, it can express itself only in superficial matters. In all ESSENTIAL respects more leftists of the oversocialized type want to make the black man conform to white, middle-class ideals. They want to make him study technical subjects, become an executive or a scientist, spend his life climbing the status ladder to prove that black people are as good as white. They want to make black fathers "responsible." they want black gangs to become nonviolent, etc. But these are exactly the values of the industrial-technological system. The system couldn't care less what kind of music a man listens to, what kind of clothes he wears or what religion he believes in as long as he studies in school, holds a respectable job, climbs the status ladder, is a "responsible" parent, is nonviolent and so forth. In effect, however much he may deny it, the oversocialized leftist wants to integrate the black man into the system and make him adopt its values.

29，下面來表現一下過度社會化左派主義者如何顯示他對於社會傳統觀念的真實依賴，同時還假裝反抗。許多左派主義者都支援平權運動，支援黑人獲得地位更高的工作，提高黑人學校教學質量並向此類學校追加投資，他們認為黑人“下層階級”的存在是社會的恥辱。他們希望將黑人整合到體系中，使他成為企業主管，律師，科學家，就像上層中產階級的白人一樣。左派主義者會回答說他們最不想做的就是使黑人男子成為白人的翻版，相反，他們要保留美國黑人文化。但是儲存美國黑人文化是什麼意思呢？幾乎無非就是吃黑人風格的食物，聽著黑人風格的音樂，穿著黑人風格的服裝，修建黑人風格的教堂或清真寺。換句話說，黑人只可以在表面問題上表達自己。而在所有根本方面，過度社會化的左派主義者都希望黑人符合白人中產階層的理想。他們希望讓他學習技術學科，成為行政人員或科學家，耗費人生向上爬從而證明自己並不比白人更差。他們希望黑人父親 “負責”。他們希望黑人幫派放棄暴力。但這些正是工業技術體系的價值觀。該體系不在乎一個人聽什麼樣的音樂，穿什麼樣的衣服，信什麼宗教，只要他在學校上學，擁有體面的工作，攀登等級階梯，是一個“負責任”的父親，不使用暴力等等。實際上，無論過度社會化的左派主義者如何否認這一點，他實際上是要將黑人整合到體系中並讓他接受體系的價值觀。

30. We certainly do not claim that leftists, even of the oversocialized type, NEVER rebel against the fundamental values of our society. Clearly they sometimes do. Some oversocialized leftists have gone so far as to rebel against one of modern society's most important principles by engaging in physical violence. By their own account, violence is for them a form of "liberation." In other words, by committing violence they break through the psychological restraints that have been trained into them. Because they are oversocialized these restraints have been more confining for them than for others; hence their need to break free of them. But they usually justify their rebellion in terms of mainstream values. If they engage in violence they claim to be fighting against racism or the like.

30，我們當然並不聲稱左派主義者，甚至是過度社會化的左派主義者，從不反抗我們社會的基本價值觀。顯然他們有時會這麼做。一些過度社會化的左派主義者甚至還反抗現代社會最重要的原則之一，採用了肢體暴力。他們認為暴力對他們來說是一種“解放”。換句話說，他們通過暴力衝破了習得的心理制約。因為他們過度社會化，這些制約對他們的限制效果更強；因此他們需要打破這些制約。但是，他們通常用主流價值觀為自己的反叛辯護。如果他們從事暴力活動，他們就聲稱自己是在打擊種族主義。

31. We realize that many objections could be raised to the foregoing thumb-nail sketch of leftist psychology. The real situation is complex, and anything like a complete description of it would take several volumes even if the necessary data were available. We claim only to have indicated very roughly the two most important tendencies in the psychology of modern leftism.

31，我們認識到，對於上述左派主義者的心理素描可以提出許多反對意見。真實的情況是複雜的，即使提供必要的資料，進行完整描述也需要好幾卷的篇幅。我們只打算非常粗略地概述兩個最重要的現代左派主義者心理傾向。

32. The problems of the leftist are indicative of the problems of our society as a whole. Low self-esteem, depressive tendencies and defeatism are not restricted to the left. Though they are especially noticeable in the left, they are widespread in our society. And today's society tries to socialize us to a greater extent than any previous society. We are even told by experts how to eat, how to exercise, how to make love, how to raise our kids and so forth.

32，左派主義者的問題表明了我們的社會作為整體的問題。低自尊，抑鬱傾向和失敗不僅限於左派，這些問題廣泛存在於我們的社會，雖然在左派尤其明顯。今天的社會與以往任何社會相比都試圖在更大程度上將我們社會化。甚至還有專家告訴我們怎麼吃，如何運動，如何做愛，如何教育子女等等。

THE POWER PROCESS

權力過程

33. Human beings have a need (probably based in biology) for something that we will call the "power process." This is closely related to the need for power (which is widely recognized) but is not quite the same thing. The power process has four elements. The three most clear-cut of these we call goal, effort and attainment of goal. (Everyone needs to have goals whose attainment requires effort, and needs to succeed in attaining at least some of his goals.) The fourth element is more difficult to define and may not be necessary for everyone. We call it autonomy and will discuss it later (paragraphs 42-44).

33，人類有一種需求（可能有生物學基礎），我們稱之為“權力過程”。這與對權力的需要緊密相關（這一點得到了廣泛承認）但並不完全一樣。“權力過程”有四大要素。其中最明確的三個我們稱之為目標、努力與目標實現。（每個人都需要目標，目標的實現需要努力，他至少需要成功實現一部分目標）第四個元素很難定義，未必對所有人都有必要。我們叫它自主並將在下文中加以討論（第42-44段）。

34. Consider the hypothetical case of a man who can have anything he wants just by wishing for it. Such a man has power, but he will develop serious psychological problems. At first he will have a lot of fun, but by and by he will become acutely bored and demoralized. Eventually he may become clinically depressed. History shows that leisured aristocracies tend to become decadent. This is not true of fighting aristocracies that have to struggle to maintain their power. But leisured, secure aristocracies that have no need to exert themselves usually become bored, hedonistic and demoralized, even though they have power. This shows that power is not enough. One must have goals toward which to exercise one's power.

34。考慮一個假設的個人，他只要心念一動就能獲得自己想要的一切。這個人有權力，但他將會遭受嚴重的心理問題。起初他將有很多的樂趣，但漸漸地他將極度無聊並且情緒低落。最終他有可能患上抑鬱症。歷史表明悠閒的貴族們往往會變得頹廢。為了保持權力而征戰不休的貴族並不會如此。但悠閒而安全、沒有必要發揮自己能力的貴族通常會變得無聊，沉湎於享樂主義並意氣消沉，即使他們掌握著權力。這表明權力本身是遠遠不夠的。一個人必須有行使權力的目標。

35. Everyone has goals; if nothing else, to obtain the physical necessities of life: food, water and whatever clothing and shelter are made necessary by the climate. But the leisured aristocrat obtains these things without effort. Hence his boredom and demoralization.

35。每個人都有目標，首先是獲得生活必需品：食物，水和與生活在特定氣候區域所必須的衣服和住所。但有閒的貴族毫不費力就能獲得這些東西。因此，他會感到無聊和意氣消沉。

36. Nonattainment of important goals results in death if the goals are physical necessities, and in frustration if nonattainment of the goals is compatible with survival. Consistent failure to attain goals throughout life results in defeatism, low self-esteem or depression.

36。如果目標是生存必需品，未能獲得重要目標就會導致死亡；如果目標對生存有益，未能獲得目標就會使人感到受挫。在整個生活當中一直沒能獲得目標將會導致失敗主義，自卑或抑鬱症。

37. Thus, in order to avoid serious psychological problems, a human being needs goals whose attainment requires effort, and he must have a reasonable rate of success in attaining his goals.

37。因此，為了避免嚴重的心理問題，一個人需要一個耗費一定努力才能實現的目標，還必須有合理的目標實現成功率。

SURROGATE ACTIVITIES

替代性活動

38. But not every leisured aristocrat becomes bored and demoralized. For example, the emperor Hirohito, instead of sinking into decadent hedonism, devoted himself to marine biology, a field in which he became distinguished. When people do not have to exert themselves to satisfy their physical needs they often set up artificial goals for themselves. In many cases they then pursue these goals with the same energy and emotional involvement that they otherwise would have put into the search for physical necessities. Thus the aristocrats of the Roman Empire had their literary pretensions; many European aristocrats a few centuries ago invested tremendous time and energy in hunting, though they certainly didn't need the meat; other aristocracies have competed for status through elaborate displays of wealth; and a few aristocrats, like Hirohito, have turned to science.

38，但是並非所有有閒貴族都會變得厭倦而意氣消沉。例如裕仁天皇就沒有沉湎於頹廢的享樂主義，而是投身於海洋生物學並取得了相當的成就。當人們不必為了滿足物質需求而發揮能力時，他們經常為自己設定人為目標。在很多情況下他們為了追求這些目標而投入的精力與感情就像其他人為了獲取物質必需品所進行的投入一樣。因此羅馬貴族會用文學修飾自己；幾個世紀以前的許多歐洲貴族投入大量的時間與精力來打獵，儘管他們肯定不缺肉食；其他貴族則通過展示財富來進行社會地位的比拼；還有少數貴族轉向了科學領域，例如裕仁天皇。

39. We use the term "surrogate activity" to designate an activity that is directed toward an artificial goal that people set up for themselves merely in order to have some goal to work toward, or let us say, merely for the sake of the "fulfillment" that they get from pursuing the goal. Here is a rule of thumb for the identification of surrogate activities. Given a person who devotes much time and energy to the pursuit of goal X, ask yourself this: If he had to devote most of his time and energy to satisfying his biological needs, and if that effort required him to use his physical and mental facilities in a varied and interesting way, would he feel seriously deprived because he did not attain goal X? If the answer is no, then the person's pursuit of a goal X is a surrogate activity. Hirohito's studies in marine biology clearly constituted a surrogate activity, since it is pretty certain that if Hirohito had had to spend his time working at interesting non-scientific tasks in order to obtain the necessities of life, he would not have felt deprived because he didn't know all about the anatomy and life-cycles of marine animals. On the other hand the pursuit of sex and love (for example) is not a surrogate activity, because most people, even if their existence were otherwise satisfactory, would feel deprived if they passed their lives without ever having a relationship with a member of the opposite sex. (But pursuit of an excessive amount of sex, more than one really needs, can be a surrogate activity.)

39，我們使用 “替代活動”這個名詞來表示追求自行設立的人為目標的行為，人們之所以樹立這些目標只是為了能夠為之努力，或者說僅僅是為了追逐目標過程中的“滿足感”。這是識別替代活動的關鍵。假設某人投入了大量時間和精力去追求目標x，你不妨問自己：如果他要投入大部分時間和精力來滿足自己的生理需求，而且他需要以多種不同且有趣的方式發揮自己的體力與腦力，他是否會因為沒能達到目標x而感到非常失落呢？如果答案是否定的，則此人對於目標X的追求就是替代活動。裕仁的海洋生物研究顯然是替代活動，因為很肯定，如果裕仁要將他的時間花在有趣的非科學性任務上從而獲取生活必需品，他不會因為自己不知道海洋動物的解剖結構和生命週期而感到失落。另一方面，性與愛的追求（打個比方）不是替代活動，因為大多數人即使在其他方面享受著令人滿意的生活，如果終其一生沒有與一名異性建立關係，依舊會感到失落。（但追求超出需要的過度性生活就是替代活動了）

40. In modern industrial society only minimal effort is necessary to satisfy one's physical needs. It is enough to go through a training program to acquire some petty technical skill, then come to work on time and exert very modest effort needed to hold a job. The only requirements are a moderate amount of intelligence, and most of all, simple OBEDIENCE. If one has those, society takes care of one from cradle to grave. (Yes, there is an underclass that cannot take physical necessities for granted, but we are speaking here of mainstream society.) Thus it is not surprising that modern society is full of surrogate activities. These include scientific work, athletic achievement, humanitarian work, artistic and literary creation, climbing the corporate ladder, acquisition of money and material goods far beyond the point at which they cease to give any additional physical satisfaction, and social activism when it addresses issues that are not important for the activist personally, as in the case of white activists who work for the rights of nonwhite minorities. These are not always pure surrogate activities, since for many people they may be motivated in part by needs other than the need to have some goal to pursue. Scientific work may be motivated in part by a drive for prestige, artistic creation by a need to express feelings, militant social activism by hostility. But for most people who pursue them, these activities are in large part surrogate activities. For example, the majority of scientists will probably agree that the "fulfillment" they get from their work is more important than the money and prestige they earn.

40。在現代工業社會中，只需付出很少的努力就足以滿足自己的生理需求。只需要參加技能培訓計劃並學一點手藝，按時上下班，為了完成工作而投入最少的努力，這就足夠了。唯一的要求是一般水平的智力以及單純的服從，後者才是最重要的。如果你有這些特質，社會就會從搖籃到墳墓一直照顧你（的確，對於下層社會來說生存必需品的獲得並不這麼理所當然，但我們這裡說的是主流社會）因此毫不奇怪的是，現代社會充滿了替代活動。這些活動包括科研工作，運動成績，人道主義工作，藝術和文學創作，企業升職，獲取遠遠超出需要的金錢和物質財富直到它們無法帶來任何額外的生理滿足，還有參與社會活動，儘管活動所要解決的問題對於活動家個人來說並不重要，例如為了非白人少數族裔的權利而工作的白人活動家。這些行為並不總是單純的替代活動，因為對很多人來說，他們的動機並不只是需要用來追求的目標。科學工作的動機可能是追求聲望，藝術創作是為了表達感情，激進社會活動主義則受到了敵意的驅使。但對於大多數追求這些目標的人來說，這些活動在很大程度上是替代活動。例如，大多數的科學家們可能會同意他們從工作獲得的“滿足感”比他們所賺取的金錢和聲望更重要。

41. For many if not most people, surrogate activities are less satisfying than the pursuit of real goals ( that is, goals that people would want to attain even if their need for the power process were already fulfilled). One indication of this is the fact that, in many or most cases, people who are deeply involved in surrogate activities are never satisfied, never at rest. Thus the money-maker constantly strives for more and more wealth. The scientist no sooner solves one problem than he moves on to the next. The long-distance runner drives himself to run always farther and faster. Many people who pursue surrogate activities will say that they get far more fulfillment from these activities than they do from the "mundane" business of satisfying their biological needs, but that it is because in our society the effort needed to satisfy the biological needs has been reduced to triviality. More importantly, in our society people do not satisfy their biological needs AUTONOMOUSLY but by functioning as parts of an immense social machine. In contrast, people generally have a great deal of autonomy in pursuing their surrogate activities. have a great deal of autonomy in pursuing their surrogate activities.

41。對於許多人（如果不是大多數人）來說，替代活動都不如追求真正的目標（也就是即使權力過程的需求已經滿足之後依然希望獲得的目標）那樣令人滿意。這一點的表現之一是，在許多或者大多數情況下，深入參與替代活動的人永遠不會滿足，從來沒法休息。因此，商人不斷致力於獲取越來越多的財富。科學家剛解決了一個問題就又著手解決下一個。長跑運動員總是驅使自己跑得更遠更快。很多追求替代活動的人會說他們從這些活動中得到的滿足感遠遠多從“平凡”的工作或生理需求的滿足，但是這是因為在我們的社會滿足生理需求所需要的努力已經降低到了不值一提的程度。更重要的是，在我們的社會中，人們滿足生理需求的方式並非自主，而是充當巨大社會機器零件。相反，在追求自己的替代活動時人們普遍有很大的自主性。

AUTONOMY

自主性

42. Autonomy as a part of the power process may not be necessary for every individual. But most people need a greater or lesser degree of autonomy in working toward their goals. Their efforts must be undertaken on their own initiative and must be under their own direction and control. Yet most people do not have to exert this initiative, direction and control as single individuals. It is usually enough to act as a member of a SMALL group. Thus if half a dozen people discuss a goal among themselves and make a successful joint effort to attain that goal, their need for the power process will be served. But if they work under rigid orders handed down from above that leave them no room for autonomous decision and initiative, then their need for the power process will not be served. The same is true when decisions are made on a collective bases if the group making the collective decision is so large that the role of each individual is insignificant [5]

42，自主性作為權力過程的一部分，可能並非對所有人都有必要。但是大多數人朝著自己的目標努力時都需要或多或少的自主。他們的努力必須由自己主動進行，並且必須遵從自己的方向，受自己的控制。然而，大多數人都不必非得作為單一個體發揮主動性、遵從方向並進行控制。通常只要作為一個小團體的一員就夠了。因此，如果有五六個人彼此討論共同的目標並且成功地聯合努力來實現這一目標，他們對於權力過程的需求就會得到滿足。但是如果他們在上級下發的死板命令下工作，毫無自主主動的空間，他們對於權力過程的需求就得不到滿足。同樣，當進行集體決策時，假如集體人數過多，每個個人的作用都微不足道[5]，那麼也會出現這種情況。

[5]，(Paragraph 42) It may be argued that the majority of people don't want to make their own decisions but want leaders to do their thinking for them. There is an element of truth in this. People like to make their own decisions in small matters, but making decisions on difficult, fundamental questions require facing up to psychological conflict, and most people hate psychological conflict. Hence they tend to lean on others in making difficult decisions. The majority of people are natural followers, not leaders, but they like to have direct personal access to their leaders and participate to some extent in making difficult decisions. At least to that degree they need autonomy

【5】（第42段）有人認為多數人都不想自己進行決策，而是更希望有領導者替他們思考。這話也有一定的道理。人們喜歡在小事上自行決策但是在困難而根本性的問題上進行決策必須面對激烈的心理衝突，而大多數人都討厭心理衝突。因此他們更希望他人替他們進行困難決策。大多數人都是天然的跟隨者而不是領導者，但是他們喜歡與自己的領導者保持直接聯絡並且部分參與困難決策的制定。至少在這種程度上他們還是需要自主性的。

43. It is true that some individuals seem to have little need for autonomy. Either their drive for power is weak or they satisfy it by identifying themselves with some powerful organization to which they belong. And then there are unthinking, animal types who seem to be satisfied with a purely physical sense of power(the good combat soldier, who gets his sense of power by developing fighting skills that he is quite content to use in blind obedience to his superiors).

43，的確，有些人似乎並不需要自主。可能他們的權欲並不強，或者他們通過從屬於強大的組織來獲得了滿足感。還有一類不假思索的、動物般的人，似乎單純的肉體權力感就能使其感到滿足（優秀的士兵通過戰鬥技能來獲得權利感，他對於盲從上級感到相當滿意）。

44. But for most people it is through the power process-having a goal, making an AUTONOMOUS effort and attaining t the goal-that self-esteem, self-confidence and a sense of power are acquired. When one does not have adequate opportunity to go throughout the power process the consequences are (depending on the individual and on the way the power process is disrupted) boredom, demoralization, low self-esteem, inferiority feelings, defeatism, depression, anxiety, guilt, frustration, hostility, spouse or child abuse, insatiable hedonism, abnormal sexual behavior, sleep disorders, eating disorders, etc. [6]

44。但大多數人還是要通過權力過程——確立目標，自主努力，實現目標——來獲得自尊，自信和權力感。當一個人沒有足夠的機會來經歷整個權力過程的時候，將會導致（取決於個人條件和權力過程遭到中斷的方式）無聊，士氣低落，低自尊，自卑感，失敗主義，抑鬱，焦慮，內疚，沮喪，敵意，虐待配偶或子女，永不滿足的享樂主義，不正常的性行為，睡眠障礙，進食障礙等[6]。

[6]，(Paragraph 44) Some of the symptoms listed are similar to those shown by caged animals.

【6】（第44段）這裡列出的一些症狀類似於長期囚禁在籠中的動物所顯示的症狀。

To explain how these symptoms arise from deprivation with respect to the power process:

這裡解釋一下權力過程的剝奪如何導致這些症狀的出現：

Common-sense understanding of human nature tells one that lack of goals whose attainment requires effort leads to boredom and that boredom, long continued, often leads eventually to depression. Failure to obtain goals leads to frustration and lowering of self-esteem. Frustration leads to anger, anger to aggression, often in the form of spouse or child abuse. It has been shown that long-continued frustration commonly leads to depression and that depression tends